naturism, nudity & higher powers?

“familiarity” exists at different levels. Some governments expressly distinguish naturism from sexual conduct; some merely regulate naked bodies; some public institutions study naturism as culture; and some jurisdictions appear to know of it principally as something to discourage.

It might be misleading to speak of “humans on Sweden,” “humans on Niue,” “humans on Africa,” or any other population as possessing one collective opinion?

Evidence by jurisdiction:

A supranational “higher power” has expressly considered social nudity

European Court of Human Rights considered social nudity directly in Gough v. United Kingdom. It accepted that public nakedness undertaken to express a belief in the inoffensive nature of the human body could fall within freedom of expression under Article 10. Court nevertheless upheld United Kingdom’s interference in that particular case, stressing context, repeated offending and interests of other people. Therefore, it recognised a philosophical and expressive character of social nudity without establishing a general human right to be naked anywhere (European Court of Human Rights). That is significant: a major international human-rights court is demonstrably acquainted with the proposition that nakedness can be ethical, philosophical and communicative rather than sexual.

Homo sapiens: non-sexual social nakedness is older than modern naturism

Modern organised naturism (clubs, manifestos, health philosophies, federations, recognised naturist places etc.) is largely a nineteenth and twentieth Christian Empire/Common Era social movement, but non-sexual exposure of human bodies is older. Human ancestors lived unclothed or minimally clothed in many climatic, domestic, bathing, sporting, ritual and subsistence contexts and it may not be anachronistic to call such people “naturists”, despite that modern naturism is frequently misperceived as a self-conscious philosophy formed in societies where clothing is normally expected. There is also a conceptual problem: “nude” refers only to a social expectation that clothing should be present.

In societies or activities where uncovered bodies are ordinary, participants may not conceptualise themselves as practising “nudity” at all. Applying European naturist terminology retrospectively to indigenous peoples can therefore distort their own meanings and reproduce colonial ideas about who is “clothed”, “naked”, “civilised”, “primitive” etc. Scholarship on clothing and colonialism emphasises precisely how dress requirements were imposed as part of colonial moral and gender systems. (Cambridge University Press & Assessment)

Homo neanderthalensis: we know something about clothing, almost nothing about “nudity”

There is credible archaeological evidence that Neanderthals:

  • processed animal hides;

  • used tools capable of perforating skins;

  • exploited animal pelts;

  • probably used forms of clothing or wrapping, particularly in cold environments.

The Smithsonian describes Neanderthals as early clothing users, while newer research distinguishes their hide-processing technologies from the more complex tailored garments associated with eyed needles among later Homo sapiens. (Human Origins)

But archaeology cannot presently tell us:

  • whether Neanderthals normally covered genitals;

  • whether dress differed by sex, age, season or status;

  • whether nakedness caused embarrassment;

  • whether exposed bodies were sexualised;

  • whether communal nakedness had ethical or ritual meanings;

  • whether Neanderthals possessed anything resembling a naturist philosophy.

Organic garments rarely survive, so researchers infer clothing from tools, climate, animal remains and other indirect evidence. Genetic work on clothing lice suggests habitual clothing among anatomically modern humans may go back roughly 170,000 years, but that does not tell us that clothing was continuous, universal or associated with modesty. (Scientific study on clothing lice)

It is reasonable to infer that Neanderthal family and social groups sometimes saw one another’s uncovered bodies. That would probably have occurred during childhood, washing, bodily care, sexual activity, garment manufacture, seasonal warmth or the replacement of hides. But there is no evidential basis for classifying those occasions as either naturist or anti-naturist.

Neanderthals v. Homo sapiens

There is no archaeological evidence capable of reconstructing clothing etiquette during encounters between Neanderthals and modern humans. Even where genetic and archaeological evidence demonstrates interaction between the populations, it cannot tell us whether participants were dressed, partly dressed or naked—or what either population thought about the other’s body.

The important distinction

Existing evidence supports four separate propositions:

  1. Non-sexual social nakedness is a recurrent human condition.

  2. Modern naturism is a particular ethical and cultural interpretation of that condition.

  3. Several governments and public institutions demonstrably understand the distinction between naturism and sexual conduct.

  4. No credible evidence allows us to attribute naturist philosophy, modesty rules or sexualised concepts of nudity to Neanderthals.

So humanity’s governing and scholarly institutions are not universally ignorant of naturism. The more accurate criticism is that their understanding is fragmented and inconsistent: one institution recognises bodily freedom and non-sexual sociality, while another institution in the same jurisdiction may still treat every visible penis, vulva or breast as presumptively sexual, indecent or administratively dangerous.

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When a Naturist Place Becomes Collateral